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Title:Faithfulness to Prosodic Heads
Authors:John Alderete
Abstract:This paper presents a theory of the interaction between stress and
epenthesis that is based in correspondence-theoretic faithfulness
(McCarthy & Prince 1995). In particular, a set of faithfulness
constraints are proposed that only apply to the material inside prosodic
heads (i.e., main stress feet and the syllabic heads of stress feet).
One member of this set, Head-Dep, specifically bans the occurrence of
nonlexical material in stressed syllables and stress feet, effectively
accounting for a typology of stress-epenthesis interactions. When
Head-Dep is high-ranked, i.e., ranked above the constraints responsible
for stress assignment, epenthetic vowels are ignored in stress; that is,
they are not stressed when they appear in the canonical positions for
stress, and they are not counted in the assignment of stress, as
observed in Dakota (Mississippi Valley Siouan), Selayarese
(Austronesian), Spanish, and Mohawk (Northern Iroquoian). When Head-Dep
is low-ranked, epenthetic vowels are active in the stress system and may
be stressed and counted according to the regular pattern, as found in
Swahili and Winnebago (Mississippi Valley Siouan).

In addition to providing a nonderivational theory of stress-epenthesis
interaction, the paper goes on to argue that the faithfulness-based
analysis is superior to one couched in rule-based phonology in which
metical activity of epenthesis depends on rule ordering. First, the
rule-based alternative is shown to lead to loss of generalization,
because it fails to give a unitary analysis of epenthesis in systems
where epenthetic vowels are both active and inactive. Second, the
faithfulness-based analysis makes a direct connection to the analysis of
other segmental processes senstive to stress, notably vowel reduction in
unstressed syllables. The rule-based analysis does not provide the
formal basis for such a connection, which distinguishes it from the
proposed theory.
Type:Paper/tech report
Article:Version 1