[Author Login]
Title:Why Place and Voice are different: constraint interactions and feature faithfulness in Optimality Theory
Authors:Linda Lombardi
Comment:Revised version appeared in Segmental Phonology in Optimality Theory: Constraints and Representations, ed. by Linda Lombardi, Cambridge University Press, 2001.
Abstract:In this paper, I will examine differences in the phonological

alternations affecting Place and Voice in coda position. Both types of

features are often restricted in the coda, but the types of

phonological alternations triggered by the restriction differ. Voice

is often neutralized, while Place very rarely is; epenthesis and

deletion can be used to satisfy the coda constraint on Place (Ito

1986), but a restriction on coda Voice never triggers such processes.

I will argue that in order to account for these differences within

Optimality Theory, we must recognize these three points:

1. Although both types of features are subject to position-independent

markedness constraints like *Voice and *Dor, only Place is subject

to a positional markedness constraint, CodaCond.

2. There are consonants that are not marked with any Laryngeal

specification, but none that are truly Placeless.

3. It is necessary to recognize the existence of MaxF constraints that

ensure realization of input features. Featural faithfulness cannot be

confined to the Ident constraints of McCarthy and Prince (1995), which

only ensure that correspondent segments agree in features, but do not

force faithfulness to the features themselves independent of segments.
Type:Paper/tech report
Article:Version 1