|Title:||Reduplication and Segmental Unmarkedness|
|Authors:||John Alderete, Jill N. Beckman, Laura Benua, Amalia E. Gnanadesikan, John J. McCarthy, Suzanne Urbanczyk|
|Comment:||Superseded by ROA-226. 60 pp. July, 1996.|
|Abstract:|| This article examines the phenomenon of fixed default
segmentism in reduplicated forms, arguing that it should
be understood as emergence of the unmarked (McCarthy &
Prince 1994a) within Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993).
Constraints on segmental markedness, particularly the
Place markedness hierarchy, are satisfied at the
expense of exact copying, even when they are violated
freely in the language as a whole. Examples of fixed
default segmentism that are studied include Yoruba,
Tubatulabal, and Nancowry -- the latter two in detail.
Fixed default segmentism is derived phonologically,
in satisfaction of constraints on phonological markedness.
A different type of fixed reduplicative segmentism,
exemplified by English [table-schmable], has a
morphological source: the fixed segments constitute a
morpheme, and they have the properties and distribution
of morphemes generally. This distinction is supported
on empirical grounds and is reflected in separate (and
separately motivated) aspects of the proposed theory.
Apart from its relevance to the theory of fixed
reduplicative segmentism, the work reported here bears on
several other questions of current interest. It is set
within Optimality Theory generally, which supplies a
model of constraints and their interaction, and
specifically within Correspondence Theory (McCarthy &
Prince 1995), which generalizes notions of faithfulness
to reduplication. More locally, certain questions that
arise within OT or within Correspondence Theory are
addressed: the nature of markedness constraints
and the character of featural versus segmental
faithfulness. Results in these areas are at least
suggestive, and some appropriate directions for further
research are indicated.
|Article:||This article has been withdrawn.|