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Title:Clitics, verb (non)-movement, and optimality in Bulgarian
Authors:Geraldine Legendre
Comment:27 pages + title & abstract
Abstract:This paper addresses the issue of whether functional categories head

separate projections. In particular, Pollock (1989) claims that

auxiliaries head functional projections. I argue here that Bulgarian

clitic auxiliaries do not head separate syntactic projections. I

further argue that the respective order of Bulgarian clitics and verbs

is not the result of syntactic movement (e.g. Long Head Movement;

Rivero, 1994). Nor does it result from a post-syntactic re-ordering at

PF (e.g. Prosodic Inversion; Halpern, 1995). I develop an alternative

analysis that makes syntactic movement or PF re-ordering completely

unnecessary. The new analysis is couched in Optimality Theoretic terms

and builds on the non-syntactic view of clitics advocated by Klavans

(1985) and Anderson (1992). The analysis incorporates linear order

constraints proposed in Prince and Smolensky (1993) and Anderson (1995);

It demonstrates how the simple OT mechanism of ranking violable

constraints can yield the complex distribution of the interrogative

particle li with a minimum number of (independently needed) assumptions.

The Optimality Theoretic account is parsimonious in that it posits

minimal trees, minimal movement, and global evaluations of syntactic/PF

structures. The constraints that do most of the work are interface

constraints (many of which are independently needed in more traditional

syntactic accounts). To the extent that this parsimonious analysis is

successful at handling the facts previously accounted for in terms of

extended trees, it provides one substantial argument against the

Pollockian view that functional categories always head syntactic

Type:Paper/tech report
Article:Version 1