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Title:Cumulative constraint interaction and the equalizer of HG and OT
Authors: Anna Mai, Eric Bakovic
Comment:To appear in Supplementary Proceedings of AMP 2019
Abstract:In this paper we demonstrate that, in general, Optimality Theory (OT) grammars containing particular,
identifiable members of a restricted family of conjoined constraints (Smolensky, 2006) make the same
typological predictions as corresponding Harmonic Grammar (HG) grammars. Building on an example case,
we propose a general method for identifying the members of this restricted family of conjoined constraints
in the equalizer of HG and OT, and provide a proof of its intended function. This demonstration adds
more structure to claims about the (non)equivalence of HG and OT with local conjunction (Legendre et al.,
2006; Pater, 2016) and provides a tool for understanding how different sets of constraints lead to the same
typological predictions in HG and OT (Pater, 2016; Jesney, 2016).
Type:Paper/tech report
Area/Keywords:Harmonic Grammar, ganging cumulativity, conjoined constraints, formal analysis
Article:Version 1