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Title:Mongolian Stress, Licensing, and Factorial Typology
Authors:Rachel Walker
Comment:Updated 07/27/00; supercedes previous versions of ROA-172-0197
Abstract:Mongolian Stress, Licensing, and Factorial Typology

Rachel Walker

University of Southern California

This paper examines the analysis and typology of prominence-based stress

systems, which do not call on binary rhythms but depend solely on factors

such as syllable weight or sonority, peripherality, and nonfinality in

locating stress (Prince 1983, 1990; Prince & Smolensky 1993). Four

prominence-driven constraints are defined which position stress independent

of foot structure. Pursuing the optimality-theoretic hypothesis that typology

derives from factorial constraint ranking, it is established that reranking

accurately captures attested variation, and further, that the range of

prominence-driven patterns is richer than previous conceptions, including

variation in nonfinality effects. Two important empirical and theoretical

findings are presented. First, new data from East Mongolian dialects are

introduced, correcting a misinterpretation of the Khalkha stress pattern and

illuminating the analysis with a case uniquely employing all four prominence-

driven constraints. Second, opposite-edge default is argued to be a categorical

licensing effect, informed by the typological result that nonfinality only

fails to cooccur with opposite-side systems when the default is to the right.

This finds new evidence for Zoll's (1996) licensing account of conflicting

directionality and offers an argument against alternative foot-based analyses.
Type:Paper/tech report
Article:Version 1