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Title:Prosodic Domains and Ambisyllabicity in Optimality Theory
Authors:Soonhyun Hong
Comment:University of Pennsylvania PhD Dissertation
Soonhyun Hong
(Eugene Buckley & Rolf Noyer)

Selkirk 1984, 1986, Nespor & Vogel 1986 and others independently
argue that PrWd structure is built from morphological structure. In
Optimality Theory, Generalized Alignment (McCarthy & Prince 1993b) has been
successful in encoding the close relationship between prosodic structure
and morphological structure.
However, surface syllabification renders morphological boundaries
opaque in a compound /CVC-VC/, in which each Root of the compound is
identified as a separate PrWd in a language such as Korean (Kang 1992). In
such case, owing to the requirement of ONSET, the final consonant of the
first Root of the compound must be syllabified as an onset, leading to
PrWd-Root misalignment. However, we show that unique-onset syllabification
is empirically not tenable in Korean; a variety of phonological phenomena
suggest that this consonant must be syllabified as a coda, seemingly
requiring an abstract syllabification and thus posing a challenge to
Optimality Theory, in which abstract syllabification is impossible.
This dissertation proposes that a Root juncture is in fact
non-crisply aligned with a PrWd juncture. We further argue that the
PrWd-final consonant which is followed by a vowel across a PrWd juncture is
realized as ambisyllabic. This proposal is strongly supported by several
Korean phonological phenomena and English flapping. We demonstrate in
Korean that /n/-insertion is compelled to avoid an ambisyllabic consonant
before a high front vocoid. We also show in Korean that overapplication of
Coda Neutralization and underapplication of primary palatalization of a
PrWd-final consonant before a high front vocoid across a PrWd juncture are
due to the ambisyllabicity of the PrWd-final consonant.
Additionally, we analyze primary palatalization, secondary
palatalization and Umlaut in Korean (Iverson 1993, Kiparsky 1993 for Korean
and Hume 1990). We will demonstrate that Umlaut is blocked across a
secondarily palatalized coronal consonant before a high front vocoid. We
propose that Umlaut and secondary palatalization are a single phonological
phenomenon and secondary palatalization blocking of Umlaut results from a
consipiracy to force the V-place of a high front vocoid to spread only once.
Article:Version 1