|Title:||Reduplication with Fixed Segmentism|
|Authors:||John Alderete, Laura Benua, Amalia E. Gnanadesikan, Jill N. Beckman, John J. McCarthy, Suzanne Urbanczyk|
|Abstract:||Reduplication with Fixed Segmentism
John Alderete (UMass Amherst), Jill Beckman (UIowa),
Laura Benua UMaryland), Amalia Gnanadesikan (Rutgers),
John McCarthy (UMass Amherst), Suzanne Urbanczyk (UBC).
This article proposes a comprehensive account of fixed
reduplicative segmentism within Optimality Theory. We argue for a principled distinction between two types of fixed segmentism, one phonological and the other morphological.
Phonological fixed segmentism comes under the OT rubric of emergence of the unmarked. It is unmarked on typological grounds, accords with language-specific defaults, and may show context-sensitivity. A particular emphasis in our discussion is the relation between the phonological structure of the reduplicant and that of the language as a whole. In general, any ordinary phonological process may
have a counterpart in phonological fixed segmentism, and vice-versa. Our claims are supported by relatively complete treatments of Yoruba, Lushootseed, Tubatulabal, and Nancowry, supplemented by briefer discussions of Igbo, Makassarese, Nuxalk, and Nisgha.
In morphological fixed segmentism, the fixed segments constitute affixes which are, for alignment and faithfulness reasons, realized simultaneously with the reduplicant. Hence, these fixed segments show affix-like properties: they may be relatively marked, they do not show context-sensitivity (except as affixes generally do), and
they are aligned peripherally.
The two types of fixed segmentism are contrasted, and a range of predictions is developed.