|Title:||Sonority and Reduplication in Nakanai and Nuxalk (Bella Coola)|
|Abstract:||Sonority and Reduplication in Nakanai and Nuxalk (Bella Coola)
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Recent work on reduplication has focused on deriving the segmental
content and shape of a reduplicant from general, non-stipulative
phonological constraints (e.g., work in Generalized Template theory).
This paper shows that markedness constraints on sonority, which are
independently necessary to explain syllabification in many languages,
can account for many properties of reduplication in languages as
disparate as Nakanai and Nuxalk.
Both of these languages have several patterns of partial
reduplication. In the Nakanai patterns, low vowels are preferred
over high ones, and falling-sonority diphthongs are preferred over
rising-sonority ones. These facts are captured by sonority constraints
that favor a maximally sonorous nucleus (the Peak constraints of
Prince and Smolensky 1993), and a sharp sonority rise into the
syllable. In Nuxalk, a normally prefixal reduplicant is infixed,
in order to reduplicate a sonorous consonant or vowel nucleus; this
shows a different portion of the Peak hierarchy at work. The
differences between the two languages' reduplicative patterns stem
from the different rankings of sonority markedness constraints with
respect to Faithfulness and positional constraints.