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Title:Coronal epenthesis and markedness
Authors:Linda Lombardi
Comment:Superseded by ROA-579.
Abstract:Coronal epenthesis and markedness

Linda Lombardi

University of Maryland, College Park

Recent work on the special properties of coronal consonants (e.g.

Paradis and Prunet 1991) has shown that coronals behave in some

ways as unmarked consonants. In this paper I will address the

claim that epenthetic segments tend to be coronal. This behavior

has been used to argue that coronals are Placeless. However,

laryngeal consonants (?,h) are also common epenthetic segments

and have also been argued to be Placeless. Obviously it is

problematic if both laryngeals and coronals need to be Placeless,

since we must be able to distinguish them by place of articulation

within a language. The empirical basis for the claim about

coronal epenthesis has also been unclear, with only a single

example commonly cited.

In Optimality Theory, it is possible to analyze

markedness phenomena without underspecification by the use of

markedness constraints: in this case, the proposal of Prince and

Smolensky 1993, Smolensky 1993 that there is a universally ranked

hierarchy *Dor, *Lab >> *Cor. I will argue first of all that by

extending this hierarchy to include the laryngeals, we can

account for their appearance as the "unmarked" epenthetic

segment. I will then show that coronals do sometimes occur

as epenthetic segments, but that this is only the case in limited

situations, showing the classic signs of constraint conflict.

For example, in some cases of coronal epenthesis higher-ranked

constraints demand that the consonant be sonorant; therefore the

lowest-marked Place that is possible will be Coronal.

Type:Paper/tech report
Article:This article has been withdrawn.