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Title:Vowel elision is not always onset-driven
Authors:Olanike Ola Orie, Douglas Pulleyblank
Abstract:Within standard generative phonology, deletion in a hiatus context can

be seen as a response to an onset violation. This paper presents

arguments and evidence against this position. The evidence is primarily

drawn from hiatus resolution strategies in Yoruba. It is demonstrated

that the application of deletion is subject to prosodic restrictions on

words: in a vowel + vowel sequence, deletion removes hiatus if the word

supplying the first vowel contains a single syllable; if this morpheme

has two or more syllables, then the vowels in hiatus are retained and

hiatus is resolved by assimilation. To explain the different patterns

of hiatus resolution, the paper argues that hiatus-resolving strategies

are subject to foot-based minimality conditions, satisfaction of onset

or the lack thereof are merely epiphenomenal.
Type:Paper/tech report
Article:Version 1