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Title:Cyclic vs. Non-Cyclic Constraint Evaluation
Authors:Michael Kenstowicz
Comment:Revised Version
Abstract: Cyclic vs. Noncyclic Constraint Evaluation



Michael Kenstowicz (MIT)

With the advent of Prince & Smolensky's (1993) Optimality Theory,

whether levels/cycles intervene between the underlying and phonetic

representations emerges as an issue. We raise the question in the

context of metrical parsing. After reviewing the basic constraints

for trochaic systems, we turn to Indonesian which has been argued by

Cohn (1989, 1993) and Halle & Idsardi (1993b) to require a two-stage

metrification applying to the stem and then to the stem plus suffixes.

We demonstrate that alignment constraints between morphological and

prosodic structure permit an equally plausible noncyclic analysis.

We then show that OT easily formalizes the mysterious suspension of an

otherwise general stress subordination in reduplication. The final

section argues that the stress contours of Carib, Shanghai Chinese, and

Polish do require an intermediate stage to integrate amonosyllabic

particle with the base by minimal overwriting. While requiring two

stages and thus resembling a derivation, we suggest that the motivation

for and the actual mechanics of the reparsing are best treated as the

product of constraint evaluation.

Type:Paper/tech report
Article:Version 1