|Title:||Cyclic vs. Non-Cyclic Constraint Evaluation|
|Abstract:|| Cyclic vs. Noncyclic Constraint Evaluation
Michael Kenstowicz (MIT)
With the advent of Prince & Smolensky's (1993) Optimality Theory,
whether levels/cycles intervene between the underlying and phonetic
representations emerges as an issue. We raise the question in the
context of metrical parsing. After reviewing the basic constraints
for trochaic systems, we turn to Indonesian which has been argued by
Cohn (1989, 1993) and Halle & Idsardi (1993b) to require a two-stage
metrification applying to the stem and then to the stem plus suffixes.
We demonstrate that alignment constraints between morphological and
prosodic structure permit an equally plausible noncyclic analysis.
We then show that OT easily formalizes the mysterious suspension of an
otherwise general stress subordination in reduplication. The final
section argues that the stress contours of Carib, Shanghai Chinese, and
Polish do require an intermediate stage to integrate amonosyllabic
particle with the base by minimal overwriting. While requiring two
stages and thus resembling a derivation, we suggest that the motivation
for and the actual mechanics of the reparsing are best treated as the
product of constraint evaluation.