|Title:||Tone and Prominence|
|Authors:||Paul de Lacy|
|Abstract:||Tone and Prominence
Paul de Lacy
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
There is a well-established relationship between tone and
metrically prominent positions: metrically prominent
positions attract high tone, and high toned moras attract
The empirical aim of this paper is to show that the converse
is also true: there is an attraction between lower tone and
metrically non-prominent positions. In addition, it is argued
that these attractions hold at every prosodic level, from
the mora to the Intonational Phrase.
The theoretical aim of this paper is to provide a mechanism
to account for tone-prominence interactions. Crucial to
this proposal is the Designated Terminal Element of
Liberman & Prince (1977). When combined with the elements
of a tonal prominence scale, sets of constraints in fixed
rankings are produced. Various rankings of these constraints
with respect to stress- and tone-placement constraints produce
the variety of attested tone-prominence interactions.
To justify both the empirical and theoretical claims of this
paper, the relation between tone and stress in three Mixtec
dialects - Ayutla, Molinos, and Huajuapan - is examined.
Conditions of adequacy on theories of prominence-driven
stress are also considered.