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""##$%&'( * / l / |  %4ALQxSpRfO_KYGU<P'L LM*'#"!)!)  !#% /@U!T(T/U5W>_Bn@u<|5.`qd+dSdTdUdVdXdYcZc[b\b]a]`^^^\^Z^W^WbXbZc\c]d_daeceefgfigjhlhnioirkr]s^t`vawbxdyezf|g}g~hiiiijihfdca_\[YYXXX[\]}^|^z^y]x]v[uZtXtWsUrTrRrQr+r)r(r's&s%t$u#v"w"x!y!{ | }  WW X Y Z [!]!^!_"`#a#b$b%c&c'c(d+!d+dVb]^^W^Wbmhrkr]yeijgc]YX}^y]uZrQr't${  WW Z ^!a#c&d+`l@n={|} **'%$"! ~}|{a/@n={**$~{a`ErDcDcSbTbYaZa\`]__^`\a[bWdUdReOdLdJcHaF`E^AX?R?O>L>D0D1H1K2O4U6W8[9];_>aBeEgGhLjNjQkTjXj^hdedzczcbba_YY]_acefhjkmoprrD`90D>D>:?7@5A2B0D-F+G)I'O$X$Z%[%\&^'b+b-c.c1cDrDr's't&z&}'}$y"w"u!t r qnmkjhgecc$a"[XVHB<#8'5)3,2/070D#8[;_EgJiPjVjdedzc|ca_YYhkrr't&}'}$t kgcc$[VJ="8'2/0:3R8[Pc1cSa\^`YcReKcF`?R>K>;@5G)L%S$W$[%b+c1+'  x  n-   ! ++  f W  H :  +                  w h  Y J  ; ,                  x  i Z  K <  -                  y j  [ L  = .              z  k \  M >  /    + rr oq jj`p`cfilp}s|vy{x~wvvvvy{}|zwspmjgda]XTQOMML{LxMtMrNoNmNkNjMfMifkfkekclblal`m_m]n[nZoYpXpWqVqUsTuRwQyP|P~PPQRSUVXZ\`++`zywvy}me]TOM}LpNlNjMfMifkfpWsTxQ~PRUY`4`Lc`\ZXWVUUUVVWXYZ\]_`a`_^\[ZYXURPONMMMNPRUX\c|c`XUVXa`XRNMNQXc`! `E}ztqstv| ztrqollfa]ZWUTRRUVY \ \ ] ] ^ [ WUSQPNMLKKJJKKMNOQTVY\adgkow}!}  }tnllaZUSRSU \ ] [SMJKQYd}4 wqsw{|`N))**++++**)('&%##<<4z8=BFJNRWZ\^___]yafkosw{}\|Y|W}V}U~TTUUVWXYZ\]^_```_^]\[YWTQPN}MzMxLuMsMrNqPpQoSoUpY||}}}||{ywurpliczaw`u^r]o[mZjXgVbU_T]SZRWQTPQONDNVWWWWVUSQNLIFB?:z8w6t4q3n1k0h.e-a+^+[*X)V(S(Q(NN:N)+*'##<<4zDRW\^_]ym{}\}V~TU``WP}MvMrNoRpY|}|zunczWdONDNVWWTOJB4q+^(NN+  q< m8 kanka dtera  $C   x"" C  XX  ڀ    ThisnotegrewoutofdiscussionsregardingAlignmentinourphonologyseminarsatUMass,Amherst X (Ling751/Fall93)andUCSantaCruz(Ling219/Fall93andLing212/Winter94),andwearegratefultotheparticipants,inparticular,toJillBeckman,LauraBenua,ZviGilbert,AmaliaGnanadesikan,JasonMerchant,PhilipSpaelti,SuUrbanczyk,RachelWalker,LauraWalsh,andCherylZoll.WewerealsoabletobenefitfromdiscussionswithJohnKingston,JayePadgett,LisaSelkirk,andPaulSmolensky,andwewouldliketoacknowledgethecontributionsofJohnMcCarthyandAlanPrinceatvariouspoints. b X   $C   x"" C  XX  4    ݀Merchant1994developsanoptimalitytheoreticanalysisofthewellknownGermandorsalfricativealternations X whichsuccesfullyaccountsforformswith[ ]afterbackvowels(likeMaso[ ]ist)bytakingsyllabicfactorsand  alignmentintoaccount.Crucially,asinLardil(seebelow),GcattoPCatalignmentmustcountasbeingfulfilledatnoncrispedges. e $C   x"" C  XX  1    ݀In( display3  )etc.denoteasequenceofinterveningconstraintstypicallyincludingafaithfulnessconstraint(Parse, X Fill)oranalignmentconstraint.NotethatInM&Ps1993aanalysisofAxinincaCampa,NoCodaislowrankingandplaysonlyamarginalrole;conversely,therankingofCodaCondisnotdealtwithintheanalysisofBerbersyllabification,seeP&S(1993,12).abbrevsegsyll\  `(Times NewRomanTTTable_ETable_FTable_Gatriaugmentlardilcc j $C   x"" C  XX  5    ݀RegardingtheEnglish/r/case,PhilipSpaelti(personalcommunication)pointsoutanotheranalysiswithin X OptimalityTheory.IfAlignRight(stem,PrWd),auniverallyavailableconstraint,istakentobethecrucialconstraintinvolved,insteadofAlignLeft(stem,PrWd),AlignRightcan(andindeed,must)countasbeingfulfilledatnoncrispedgesinsoughtEd,withambisyllabic/t/.Ambisyllabic/t/insawTed,however,isaviolationof L AlignRight.Thedifferenceisthat/t/isthestemfinalelementinsought,butnotinsaw.Inthisanalysis,the l constraintrankingis:{Onset,AlignRight}>>FinalC. gf)C   x"" C      27   c $C   x"" C  XX  2    ݀Thisisnottosaythatnegativealignmentstatementareinprincipleimpossible:NonFinality(P&S1993),for X example,couldbeviewedasanegativeconstraintofthiskind,i.e.,asanantialignmentconstraint(i)rulingouttherightalignmentofanyheadofPrWdwithPrWd:(i)  NonFinalityasAntiAlignment: h ~AlignRight((PrWd),PrWd) L (i),whichcallsforcategoricalandnotgradientevaluation,employsanotationusedinIt=&Mester(toappear),where (PrWd)isageneralizednotionof headdenoting any headofPrWd,i.e.itsimmediatehead(foot),the , mostprominentfootoftheword,andinadditiontheheadoftheheadfoot,i.e.themostprominentsyllableoftheword,anideafirstexploredinP&S1993.Moregenerally,(X)=Head(X),Head(Head(X)),etc.Manyopen ` questionsregardingthepropertreatmentofnonfinalityeffectsremain,asdemonstratedbyHung(1993);inarelatedvein,Spaelti(1993)proposesageneralconstraintWeakEdgethatfavorssparsenessofstructureatrightedgesofprosodictrees,andobtainssomeinterestingresultsthatarenotdirectlyreplicablewithstandardversionsofNonFinality.Inthepresentcontext,questionsregardingtheexistenceofantialignmentconstraintsmustremainunexplored,andwewillconfineourdiscussiontopositivealignmentstatements.kamacplacekamacrispdef(_3f$ !C   x"" C   u jf'C   x"" C  It=andMester$\  `Times(_3f$ !C   x"" C   lf(C   x"" C    PhonologyatSantaCruz,Vol.3,1994pp.2746.(_3f$ !C   x"" C   lf(C   x"" C    ReflectionsonCodaCondandAlignment<Q 9Z .Courier New Regular*'Z&IPAKiel Regular _ $C   x"" C  XX  6    ݀Infact,theconceptofalignmentwithinOptimalityTheorywasfirstproposedanddevelopedforthisverycase X (P&S1991,attheLSAInstituteinSantaCruz). TABLE ATABLE A[Q'b" """"""""""TABLE A". .........TABLE A.2+222222222222222222222222222222222222222222TABLE B2V3VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVV V V V V Table_GVW/WWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWWW W W W W Table_FWX2XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX X X X X X Table_EX !C   x"" C  u1u1 x` X  C   x"" CXX  lhkaLx    *BXXReflectionsonCodaCondandAlignment#XCX*B#  K!Q #  ڀ       K!؀  mk  JunkoIt=andArminMesterUniversityofCalifornia,SantaCruzXXCnc ito@ling.ucsc.edu L  mester@ling.ucsc.edu# ncM##XCX.#  L  1Introduction  \  ThisnotedealswiththesubstanceandformalnatureoftheCodaConditionwithincurrentOptimalityTheory(Prince&Smolensky1993;henceforth,P&S1993),makinguseoftheconceptofAlignmentinthegeneralizedformdevelopedinMcCarthy&Prince1993b(henceforth,M&P1993b).IncurrentSyllableTheory,theCodaCondition(henceforthCodaCond)playsapivotalroleinaccountingfortheformanddistributionofintervocalicclustersfoundinnaturallanguages.Asiswellknown,inlanguagesthatallowcodasatall,CodaCondrestrictsthetypeofconsonantsthatcanoccupythisposition.Typically,onlyunmarkedelements(likecoronalsonorants)andconsonantshomorganic(i.e.,placelinked)tothefollowingonsetmakelicitcodas.ThoroughlyinvestigatedcasesillustratingcodaconditionsofvariousdegreesofstrengthincludeAxinincaCampa(Black1991,Spring1990),DiolaFogny(Steriade1982),Italian,Ponapean(It=1986),Japanese(Yip1991,6870)Lardil(Wilkinson1988),Selayarese(Goldsmith1990,131133),andEnglish(levelIsyllabification,seeBorowsky1986andMyers1987).  EventhoughCodaCondcontinuestoplayaprominentdescriptiveroleinoptimalityu1񼼼u1theoreticwork,centralquestionsregardingitstheoreticalstatusremaintobeaddressed"inparticular,itsrelationtobasicsyllabicwellformednessprinciplesrequiring/favoringthepresenceofonsetsandtheabsenceofcodas(inOTknownasOnsetandNoCoda).ThefollowingjuxtapositionofthecorecontentofthethreeconditionsillustrateshowcloselytheassociationconstraintCodaCondisrelatedtobothOnsetandNoCoda.  ;    ; (2x  1  3  )  0  Onset: `  Onsetlesssyllablesaredisallowed.0p   ; ݌$#p p  Ќ    NoCoda:0 Codasaredisallowed.% $  0  CodaCond:0   Codasaredisallowedunlesslinkedtoafollowingonset.|&!%  ЇConsidertheinput/CVCV/in(  cvcv2  ),andcomparethecandidateoutputsyllabifications(  cvcv2  a)and(  cvcv2  b).(  cvcv2  a)fulfillsallthreeconstraints,whereas(  cvcv2  b)violatesallthreeofthem:  ;    ; (2x  2  3  )    ԀInput:/C1VC2V/;  Outputcandidates:a.  %1 p %2  b.%1 x %2 ; ݌ t Ќ     `     h     /| p /|    /|\ x | `    `     h     C1V p C2V    C1VC2 x V L  C2in(  cvcv2  b),ascodatothefirstsyllable,violatesNoCoda.Secondly,theveryfactthatC2is $ t syllabifiedasacodatothefirstsyllabledeprivesthesecondsyllableofanonset,leadingtoaviolationofOnset.Andfinally,sincethefollowingsyllablehasnoonset,thecodaconsonantC2isnotlinkedtoanonsetandhenceviolatesCodaCond.  8    Theseratherstraightforwardobservations,intheirgeneraldirectionfamiliarfromotherrecentworkinsyllabletheory(seeinparticularClements1990),revealthesignificantredundancyinherentinthethreecentralsyllablewellformednessconditions,anindicationthatwearestilldealingwithempiricalgeneralizationsandnotwithgenuineprinciplesoftheoreticalphonology.Itistruethateachconditionmakesitsownspecificcontributionincertainsituations,butthisiscoldcomfort,andonlymakestheproblemanontrivialone.Itturnsoutthattheusualreductioniststrategyholdslittlepromiseinthiscase:Thatis,theideaofdirectlycollapsingthethreeprinciplesintooneorevenintotwoisnotpossible,sincetheyareallrankedseparatelyinwellsupportedoptimalitytheoreticanalyses.InLardil( display3  a),wefindNoCodarankedbelowbothCodaCondandOnset(P&S1993,116)becauseofcruciallyinterveningconstraints;inAxinincaCampa( display3  b),CodaCondisrankedaboveOnset(M&P1993a,93);andBerber( display3  c)echoesLardilinrankingOnsethigherthanNoCoda(P&S1993,167).S #  1       4   ;   3 ,XX<xXX3 ;(2x  3  3  )   1 0  a. ` Lardil:    < CodaCond  >>>>  NoCoda ;݌    Ќ     `     < Onset    >>>>  NoCoda    b. ` AxinincaCampa: < CodaCond  >>>>  Onset    c. ` Berber:   < Onset    >> >>  NoCoda  7 X ,XX<xX7Theoverallfactorialtypologyoverthethreeconstraintspredictsthepanoramaofpossiblesyllabificationsystemsin( typology4  ).Byfocussingonlyontheskeletonofsyllablestructureconstraints,i.e.,byabstractingawayfrominterveningfaithfulnessandalignmentconstraints,thetableagainbringsouttheoverlapbetweenthesyllablerelatedconstraints.Inparticular,theindeterminacyofanalysisforeachofthethreelanguagesmightbeconsideredproblematic.Atthesametime,ifthegeneralpromisebehindthetypologyin( typology4  )holdsupandcanbeempiricallysubstantiated,apowerfulargumentemergesforatheoryallowingdifferential rankingofallthreeconstraints,andhencefortheirindividuation. &"% & L    ;    ;<(2x  4  3  )   '  ;<g݌̌  *s2)3 ddd Xdd Xdd X  s,Xdd ,dd",dd",dd",dd",dd",dd"+    a. "P "Onset  P >> P Ѐ>>  < NoCoda  < >> P Ѐ>>  <  CodaCond  <  Berber?  P  b. "l  "Onset  l >> l Ѐ>>  X  CodaCond  X  >> l Ѐ>>  X  NoCoda  X  Berber?Lardil?  X  c. " ( "CodaCond    >>  ( Ѐ>>    Onset   ( >>  ( Ѐ>>     NoCoda   " Berber?Lardil?AxinincaCampa?   % d. "0 & "CodaCond  l ( >> 0 ) Ѐ>>  l * NoCoda  l , >> 0 - Ѐ>>  l . Onset  0 / AxinincaCampa?  0 0 e. " 1 "NoCoda   3 >>  4 Ѐ>>   5 CodaCond   7 >>  8 Ѐ>>   9 Onset   : ??   ; g. "X<  "NoCoda  D> >> X? Ѐ>>  D@ Onset  XA >> XB Ѐ>>  DC CodaCond  DE ?? XF  'L&Thetask,then,istobringouttherelationshipsinanonreductionistway,i.e.notbyreducingthethreeconstraintstoasingleone.ItisinthisareathatOptimalityTheoryexcels.Thecrucialideaisthatofaconstraintfamily(P&S1993):agroupofsimilarandrelatedconstraintsallbuiltaroundasinglebroadconcept(e.g.Faithfulness;Sonority)butseparatelyrankableinindividualgrammars.AsP&S1993show,somefamilies,likethesonorityconstraints,alwayspreservetheintrinsicrankingrelationsbetweentheirmemberswhileallowingotherconstraintstointervene.Theseexhibitexternal,butnotinternal,factorialu1u1typologicalfreedom;otherfamilies,liketheFaithfulnessfamily,allowricher(andperhapsfull)factorialtypologicalfreedom,bothexternally(withrespecttootherconstraints)andinternally(amongthemembersoftheconstraintfamily).Thesedifferencesrelatetosubstantiveissuestobedealtwithbytheoreticalphonology;whatmattersinthepresentcontextisthegeneralnotionthatconstraintfamiliesshowdispersionbehaviorintermsofranking(seeIt=,Mester,andPadgetttoappearforfurtherargumentationandexemplification). 2SyllSegAlignmentandSegSyllAlignment  "4U OurgoalhereistobringthenotionofadispersedconstraintfamilytobearonOnset,NoCoda,andCodaCondandtheirrelations;aswewillsee,AlignmentTheoryisindispensableforthisprojecttosucceed.Exploringthelimitsofalignmenttheoreticstatements,M&P1993bsuggestthatOnsetandNoCodacanbeconsideredasAlignmentConditions,withOnsetrequiringeverysyllabletobeleftalignedwithaconsonant,andNoCodarequiringeverysyllabletoberightalignedwithavowel.  ;    ;-(2x  5  3  )      Onset: `  Align(%,L,C,L) ;--݌ 0+&^ Ќ    NoCoda: Align(%,R,V,R) ,l'_  -X(` Fromnowon,wefactoroutthecommonedgeargumentinsuchsameedgealignmentconstraints;insuchabbreviatednotation,OnsetandNoCodareadasin( abbrev6  ).Asinall  alignmentconditions,thefirstargumentisuniversallyquantified( everysyllable),thesecondargumentexistentiallyquantified( someconsonant).Thecondensednotationalsobringsoutthefactthatalignmentconditions(exceptfortheseparatecategoryofoppositeedgealignmentconditionslike SuffixtoPrWd,seeMcCarthyandPrince1993a)havetwo,andnotfour,arguments(seePierrehumbert1993fordiscussion).  ;    ;1(2x  6  3  )   T   Onset: `  AlignLeft(%,C) ;11݌  ` Ќ    NoCoda: AlignRight(%,V)  L  OneofthemostinterestingformalresourcesofAlignmentTheory(M&P1993b)liesinthefactthat,atleastformally,thetwoargumentscanbeexchanged,givingrisetoarichnetworkofrelatedconditionsdifferinginlogicalforce.Forexample,M&P1993bshowthatgreatmileagecanbeobtainedfromtheinterplayofmirrorimageconstraintpairslikeAlignLeft(PrWd,Ft)andAlignLeft(Ft,PrWd).Thefirstrequireseveryprosodicwordtohaveafootflushwithitsbeginningbutissilentaboutotherfeetcontainedwithinaprosodicword.Thesecondrequirestheleftedgeofeveryfoottocoincidewiththeleftedgeofsomeprosodicwordbutissilentaboutprosodicwordsingeneral.Thelatterconstraintincursmultipleviolationsinfootparsing;violationsarereckonedinagradientmanner;selectionproceedsunderthecriterionofminimumviolation,asusual,andpicksthefootparsemostclusteringtowardstheedgetobealignedto,andthusderivesdirectionalityeffects(anideaattributedtoR.KirchnerinM&P1993b;seealsoMester&Padgett1994fordirectionalityeffectsinsyllabification).  RegardingthealignmenttheoreticversionsofOnsetandNoCoda,M&P(1993b,20)remark: Unliketheprosodicconstraintsreviewedabove,theseshowadistinctlackoffreecombinationofargumentsettings.HereGAprovidesawayofformalizingthesubstantivelyu1u1fixedconstraints.Takenliterally,thiswouldmeanthatthecontributionofAlignmentTheorytoourunderstandingofthebasiclawsofsyllabificationandtheirinterrelationsislimitedtoaclarificatoryrole.Clarificationisasignificantresultinitself;butisseemsimperativetopushfurtheratthispoint,andtoexplorethepossibilitythatAlignmentTheorymightbeabletomakeamorefundamentalcontributioninthisarea.  SinceIt=1986,CodaCondhasusuallybeenconceivedofasanegativeconditionrulingoutaparticularconfigurationsyllablefinally.Oneversionisgivenbelowin( cplace7  ):Allconsonantalplaceisruledoutsyllablefinally(or:remainsunlicensed,etc.,seeGoldsmith1990,Lombardi1991,Scobbie1991,andIt=&Mester1993afordifferentversionsofsuchlicensingapproaches).  ;    ;;(2x  7  3  )      * ` C]%   (It=1989,224) ;;;݌ '#& Ќ     `  (#'    ` PlaceThestepbeyondthislineofwork,weargue,istoturnthetablesaroundandtomoveawayfromanegativeconditionwhichrulesout(ordeclares unlicensed, weaklylicensed, T,'+  unsafe,etc.)consonantalplaceincodaposition;letusconsiderthepossibilitythatthecorrectformulationdoesnotevenmentiontheterm coda,andinfactdoesnotreferto  syllablefinalpositionatall.InsteadCodaCondisanalignmentstatementrequiringconsonantalplacetooccupytheleftperipheryofsyllables.Moreprecisely,CodaCondisthe t AlignmentConstraint( aligncpl8  ),requiringconsonantstobeleftalignedwithasyllable.Thefactthat( aligncpl8  )isapositivestatementisnoidiosyncrasy;rather,itsharesthispropertywithallalignmentstatementsinthecurrentframeworkb #  2      . 8    ;    ;QA(2x  8  3  )      CodaCond:  AlignLeft(C,%)   ;QA|A݌  ` Ќ  ThisisthegeneralformofCodaCond,rulingoutallconsonantalelementssyllablefinally.LikeM&P(1993b)intheiralignmenttheoreticversionofOnsetandNoCoda(see(  ons35  )above),weareusingtheC/Vnotationasashorthandreferencetothefamiliarbifurcationintothemajorsegmenttypes consonantand vowel(andnotasskeletonslots).Weassumewithoutargumentthateverytheoryofsegmentinternalstructureisinsomeformabletomakethisdistinction,forexample,byreferringtoaperturestructure,to[consonantal]specifications,torootnodesdominatingc/vplace,etc.(seeKenstowicz(1994,451506)andClements&Humetoappearforrecentoverviews).Inconcretecases,theconsonantalelementreferredtobymeansof Cin( aligncpl8  )isoftenmorenarrowlycircumscribedbyreferringtoCPlace,markedCPlace,majorsegmenttypes(resonants,obstruents),etc.(seebelow).Inthisway,CodaCond( aligncpl8  )is,properlyspeaking,analignmentschemethatinindividualgrammarsiscashedinforsomesetofelementaryalignmentconditions.  ThemovetowardsstatingCodaCondasaconstraintleftaligningconsonantswithsyllables(  ons29  a)isconceptuallyattractivebecauseitturnsCodaCondfromanassociationconditionlooselyappendedtotherestofsyllabletheoryintoacounterpartofalignmentu1u1theoreticOnset(repeatedin(  ons29  b)forcomparison).  ;    ;H(2x  9  3  )      a. ` CodaCond:   AlignLeft(C,%) ;HH݌  Ќ  0  b. ` Onset:   AlignLeft(%,C)   Itisnowpossibletoperceiveadeepersymmetryorganizingthesyllablestructureconstraints,quitecomparabletothecorrespondinggroupsoffootrelatedconstraints:asanupwards P! u1 P! u1aligningconstraint,CodaCond(  ons29  a)isamemberoftheSegmenttoSyllableAlignmentfamily  ofconstraints(henceforth,the SegSyllfamily);asadownwardsaligningconstraint,Onset(  ons29  b)isamemberoftheSyllabletoSegmentAlignmentfamilyofconstraints(henceforth,the   SyllSegfamily).ThisrapprochementbetweenOnsetandCodaCondseemssufficienttowarrantfurtherexplorationoftheapproach. 3Anillustration:Align[pharyngeal]  8  Inordertoseeinmoredetailhowtheconstraintin(  ons29  a)candotheworkofearlierstatementsofCodaCond,considerthefollowingsimpleexample.M&P(1993b)notethatlikemanyotherSemiticlanguages,BedouinArabicandBiblicalHebrewhaveaconstraintagainstpharyngealcodas,asaparticularinstantiationofCodaCond.Wereproducetheirformulationin( hebrew10  ).Inthetheoryadvocatedhere,( hebrew10  )isreplacedbytheAlignmentConstraint( alignphar11  ).  ;    ;~O(2x  10  3  )    0  CodaCond(Arabic,Hebrew):*[pharyngeal])%1   (M&P1993b,44,(93)) ;~OO݌   Ќ    ;    ;P(2x  11  3  )    0  AlignPharyngeal:   h AlignLeft([pharyngeal],%) ;PP݌    Ќ  Ratherthandisallowingpharyngealsinthecoda,AlignPharyngealassignsamarktoanypharyngealconsonantnotleftalignedwithasyllable( #  3      .Justasintheoriginalanalysis,this L constraintdominatesFill,resultinginepenthesis(indicatedbyin( ya9mod12  )).Theconstraint 8 interactionresultinginoutputslikethosein( ya9mod12  )isdepictedintableau( talbya13  ).  ;    ;T(2x  12  3  )    0  ya.oXyXXXC?XCXXoXy.md hewillstand ;TJT݌L   Ќ    he..zq hestrengthened <   ;    ;U(2x  13  3  )  & x    ;UU݌̌  * ddXdd dd"dd"dd"dd"dd"dd"2)3  ,Xdd#,dd#,dd",dd"+      . d  . , d  ,AlignPhar , d  ,Fill %d  % +  +.yaoXyXXXC?#XCXXoXyX#.md. "   "*! #9 ! # 4 %"9 %+ .  h#  ..ya.oXyXXXC?#XCXXoXyY#.md. % h$  % 09 h% 0*& h&   9 &'x 4V 4SyllableContactandOnsetMaximization  P"' Inlanguagesthatallowsyllablestohavecomplexonsetsandcodas(suchasEnglish),itiscommonly(thoughnotalways)thecasethatasequencelike/atri/issyllabifiedas.a.tri., %h * whereasasequencelike/arti/isalwayssyllabifiedas.ar.ti.Suchonsetmaximizationand &T!+ syllablecontactphenomenahaveoccupiedsyllabletheoristssincetheworkofKuryowicz &@", 1948,Vennemann1972,andKahn1976.Inthepresenttheory,onsetmaximizationasinour ',#- schematicexample.a.tri.vs..ar.ti.(i.e.,alwaysobeyingsonoritysequencing)followsfrom  theinteractionoftwoseparatesegmenttosyllablealignmentconstraints:analignmentrequirementonobstruents( segsyll14  a)andanalignmentrequirementonresonantconsonants( segsyll14  b).  ;    ;n^(2x  14  3  )   U 0  SegSyllAlignment: ;n^^݌`   Ќ    a. ` AlignLeft(T,%) h T(=obstruents)aresyllableinitial. L    b. ` AlignLeft(R,%) h R(=resonantconsonants)aresyllableinitial. 8    c. ` Ranking:AlignLeft(T,%)>>AlignLeft(R,%) $ t Therankingofthevarioussegmenttosyllablealignmentconstraintswithrespecttoeachotherisintrinsicanddeterminedbythesonorityhierarchy,asinthecaseofthe'margin/peak'associationhierarchiesofP&S1993.Withtheuniversalrankingin( segsyll14  c),onsetmaximizationeffectsarepredictedintherightcases(  atri15  avs.b).  ;    ;Kb(2x  15  3  )   ]  ;Kbvb݌̌  *.0 dXdXdd#dd#dd"dd"  ,Xdd#,dd#,dd",dd"+  &    &a.Input: @ /atri/ / 8  /Align(T,%) , 8  ,Align(R,%) %8  %  i.+ 2 h 2d.a.tri. "h  " #9 h #t %h9 %  ii. 5 "h  5e.at.ri. %h  %a! 09h 0&h   9 &*& dXdXdd#dd#dd"dd".0  ,Xdd#,dd#,dd",dd"+  &   p &b.Input:/arti/ /   /Align(T,%) ,   ,Align(R,%) %  %  i. 2 T 2Qh.a.rti. "T   "r! #9 T! #Ѐ %T"9 %  ii.+ 5 "#  5i.ar.ti. %$  % 09% 0a&&   9 &IngrammarswhereNoComplex(theconstraintrulingoutcomplexonsetsinP&S1993)isrankedabovethealignmentconstraints( segsyll14  ),thealignmentconstraintscannotresultindifferentsyllabificationslike.a.tri.vs..ar.ti.sincethecomplexonsetoptionisruledoutby ) thehigherrankingconstraintNoComplex.Bothclusterswillalwaysbesplitbetweentwosyllables,resultingin.at.ri.and.ar.ti. l!+   ;    ;k(2x  16  3  )   ;k$l݌̌  *"% dXdXdd#dd#dd"dd"&  ,Xdd#,dd#,dd",dd",dd"+    0$.    5 "$/  5m , $0  ,NoComplex , $1  ,Align(T,%) , $2  ,Align(R,%) %$3  %  i. 2 &d!4 2n.a.tri. "&d!5  "*! 9 &d!6 09&d!79 0* %&d!89 %  ii.+ 5 "'"9  5o.at.ri. %'":  % 09'"; 0* 09'"<9 0&'"=   9 &Manyfurtherdetailsregardingsonoritysequencinginalignmentbasedsyllabletheoryremaintobeworkedoutandmustbeleftforfutureinvestigations.  ,'A  5AlignmentatNoncrispEdges   Sincetheadventofautosegementalphonology,oneofthehallmarksofnonlinearfeaturerepresentationshasbeenthefactthatasinglesegmentorasubsegmentalunitofsegmentstructurecanbeaffiliatedwithmorethanoneprosodicposition.Itisnotsurprisingthatthequestionofwhethertwocategoriesarealignedbecomesmoreintricateinsuchcasesofmultiplelinking.ConsiderasituationwhereCodaCondrefersspecificallytoCPlace( japcond17  ),asinJapanese,Ponapean,DiolaFogny,AxinincaCampa,andmanyotherlanguages.  ;    ;t(2x  17  3  )   7 0  CodaCond(Japanese,etc.): h AlignLeft(CPlace,%) ;t>t݌ L    Ќ  Asiswellknown,thecentralpropertyofsuchcasesofCodaCondisthatmultiplylinkedCPlacedoesnotcountasaviolation;allearlierversionsofCodaCond,beginningwithIt=1986,takeaccountofthisbyexemptinggeminateconsonantsandplacelinkedclustersissomewayorother(bymeansofunderlyingplacelessnesspersistingintothederivation,linkagecount,licensingthroughOnset,orothertheoreticaldevicesbestowingprivilegesongeminatesandpartialgeminates,seeGoldsmith1990andIt=&Mester1993afordiscussion).InasituationwhereCodaCondisahighlyrankedconstraint,then,asinJapanese,geminatesandplacelinkedclustersmustnotcountasviolatingalignment:JustastheCPlacein( kampai18  a)fulfillsalignmentwiththeleftedgeofthesecondsyllable,theCPlaceinthelinkedcases( kampai18  b)and( kampai18  c)mustalsofulfillalignmentwiththeleftedgeofthesecondsyllable,inspiteoftheadditionallinktotheprecedingsyllable.  ;    ;]y(2x  18  3  )   = Ԁa.kamakettleb.kampaicheers  c.kappawaterimp ;]yy݌ 4 Ќ    P+<*?/+h|_D `P   ThisalignmentscenarioisnotrestrictedtoCodaCond:Allsyllablesin( kampai18  )mustcountasfulfillingthealignmenttheoreticOnsetconstraint,irrespectiveofwhetherthetargettedconsonantisexclusivelylinkedasaleftmostsyllabledaughter( kampai18  a)( crispalignment)orwhetheritisalsolinkedastherightmostdaughterofanothersyllable( noncrispalignment)( kampai18  c).  Allofthissoundsstraightforwardandhardlyworthmentioning,whenviewedfromtheperspectiveofpastsyllabletheoreticworkrelatedtoCodaCondbehavior.Somewhatsurprisingly,thisresulthasbecomeproblematicwithinGeneralizedAlignmentTheory(M&P1993b).Aswewillshow,thedoublelinkingscenariocanprovideaccesstodetailsofalignmentstructure,andhelpussettleanopenquestionregardingtheformaldefinitionofalignment.Wehavejustseenthatsyllabicalignmentconstraints(bothoftheSegSyllandoftheSyllSegfamily)mustcountasfulfilled,andnotviolated,inmultiplelinkingsituations( kampai18  ).Inverysimilarcircumstances,however,GCattoPCatalignmentconstraints(dealingwiththesyntax/phonologyinterface)havebeenarguedtobeviolatedpreciselybecauseofmultiple ,7(( linking.Forexample,M&P(1993a,3940)arguethatinAxinincaCampamultipleplaceu1u1linkinginacaselike( axinipic19  )leadstoafailureofalignmentwithrespecttotheconstraintAlignu1u1Right(stem,%).Thisconstraintrequiresrightstemedgestocoincidewithrightsyllableedges  ( Alignrequiressharplydefinedmorphemeedges,butlinking[...]undoesthedesiredrelationbetweenthemorphologicalandprosodicconstituencyofaform.)Thisistakenasthereasonwhytheforminquestioncomesoutas.ki.maan.chi.insteadof*.kimpaan.chi.:Bothviolate L  AlignRight,andtheformerwinsbecauseitdoesnothaveaFillviolation.&    ;    ;e(2x  19  3  )   G  ;e݌̌    M+?*<,(hxj< `/M  L  ' YInasimilarway,AlignLeft(Stem,PrWd)isviewedasviolatedbyambisyllabiclinkageatwordboundariesinEnglish(M&P1993b,4849,McCarthy1993a).Referringtotheimpossibilityofambisyllabic/t/in sawTedoXyXXXC[sO t Ed]#XCXXoXyt#Ԁ( sawted20  a)(andhenceobligatoryaspiration, >  andnoflapping,followingKahn1976)asopposedto soughtEdoXyXXXC[sO |Ed]#XCXXoXyl#Ԁ( sawted20  b),where . ambisyllabicity(andhenceflapping)ispossible,M&P(1993b,4849)remark: Whenthestemisconsonantinitial[...],AlignLeft[...]comesintoplay,demandingasharpcoincidence   ofstemedgewithPrWdedge.Itisviolatedwheneverasteminitialconsonantis(also)parsedbyadifferentPrWd.Thus,itrejectstheambisyllabicparsein/VC/juncture[...]  [Italicsours,JI/AM].& O   ;    ;ƈ(2x  20  3  )   K Ԁa.* `     h b. ;ƈ݌ V Ќ    J+L*9)%h p `J B 'OV( sawted20  b)ismisalignedaswell,butisselectedasthebestcandidatebecausethehigherrankingOnsetconstraintprefersafilledonsetposition,inspiteofthealignmentviolation.  The thesisofcrispalignmentisfurtherarticulatedinfootnote44,whereuniquegraphtheoreticmotheringismadeapreconditionforsuccessfulalignment.Formally,thesharpedgerequirementisbuiltintothedefinitionofalignmentreproducedin(  mpdef21  ),whichiscastinstringtheoretictermsandmakesuseofthenotion isafamiliarfromtheformaltheoryof A'" syntacticconstituency,ascanbeseenin(  mpdef21  ).  ;    ;'(2x  21  3  )   : 0  Dfn.Align(Cat1,Edge1,Cat2,Edge2)(M&P1993b,10) ;'R݌*U%    Ќ  8  LetEdge1,Edge2beeitherLorR.LetSbeanystring.Then,foranysubstringAofSthatisaCat1,thereis[a]substringBofSthatisaCat2, ,(# suchthatthereisadecompositionD(A)ofAandadecompositionD(B)ofB,bothsub-decompositionsofadecompositionD(S)ofS,suchthatEdge1(D(A))=Edge2(D(B)). xx SupposethatsubstringAisastem,butthereisnosuitablesubstringBthatisaPrWd,inthe ` sensethatitconstitutesasinglePrWdandnopartofitistraceabletoanythingoutsideofthatPrWd:inthatcaseAlignL(stem,PrWd)isviolated,asinexample( sawted20  a).  Wearethusconfrontedwithoppositedemandssimultaneouslyplacedonthenotionofalignment.Ontheonehand,therearetheSyllSegandSegSyllalignmentconstraints(Onset,NoCoda,CodaCond)thatcruciallymust not requirecrispedges.Ontheotherhand,  L  thereareGcattoPCatalignmentconstraints"partofthesyntaxphonologymapping,inthetheorydevelopedbyM&P(1993a,1993b)"thatappeartorequirecrispedges(butseetheanalysisofLardilbelow).ThetensionbetweenthetwowaysofassessingnoncrisplinkageisalreadyapparentinM&P(1993b,48):Withinthesametableauwherethemislinkedcandidate( sawted20  a)istakentotaskforviolatingAlignLeft(stem,PrWd),noOnsetviolationisregistered.Inotherwords,mislinked/t/quasteminitial/t/ispenalized,butmislinked/t/quasyllableu1u1initial/t/isnot.  Astuteandformallymindedreaderswillnodoubtpointoutthatconsiderationsofvacuousconstraintsatisfactionentersthepicturehere.Underthecurrentdefinitionreproducedin(  mpdef21  ),alignmenttheoreticOnsetisindeedvacuouslysatisfiedin( sawted20  a)becausethestring Tedisnotasyllable(implicationswithafalseantecedentaretrue).However, $t furtherreflectionrevealsaseriousproblemwiththispathintovacuity"insteadofleadingtothedesiredsolution,vacuoussatisfactionconstitutesaproblemforthedefinitionofalignmentin(  mpdef21  ).Considerthesubstring"old"inthephrase"oldEd",structuredparallelto( sawted20  b),i.e.withambisyllabic/d/:oXyXXXC[oUl|Ed]#XCXXoXy#Ԁ(weareabstractingawayherefromthewordinitialglottal $ attackappearinginthephoneticimplementation).Itispatentlyabsurdtoclaimthat"old"suddenlystartsfulfillingtheOnsetconstraintjustbecauseitslastconsonantisdoublylinkedwithinthewholephrase.ButthisispreciselytheunfortunateresultweareleftwithunderthedefinitionofAlignmentin(  mpdef21  ):In"oldEd",theredoesnotexistastring oldthatisanonsetviolatingsyllablesimplybecausethereisnostring oldthatisasyllable"thestring t "ol"islessthanawholesyllable,andthestring"old"isdominatedbymorethanonesyllable.TheOnsetconstrainthereisjustanexample,similarincorrectresultsareobtainedforNoCoda,withlinkingofonsetconsonantsinducingvacuoussatisfactionofNoCoda,etc.  Suchresultsareclearlyunintendedandunwelcomesideeffectspointingtosomeflawintheformalnotiondefinedin(  mpdef21  ).Therearenumerouswaysofapproachingtheseproblems,andthisshortnoteonCodaCondisnottheplacetopursuetheissueanditsramifications.Onepossibilitywouldbetofocusonthetypologyofalignmentconstraints;forexample,onemightarguethatGCatPCatconstraintsdonottoleratecrosslinkage,whereasotheralignmentconstraintsareindifferentinthisrespect.Ifthiswereindeedso,itwouldmakesensetolookforaformal(orfunctional)basisforsuchadistinction.However,suchacategorizationdoesnotstanduptoempiricalscrutiny.ExamplesofGCattoPCatalignment constraintsthattoleratenoncrisplinkageincludeLardil(seebelow)andGerman(Merchant *%) 1994).R #  4      ,`\ #  5      ׀Inordertodeserveseriousconsideration,anyproposalshouldideallybeinformed   byanalysesofalargeandcomprehensiveclassofalignmentcasesinvariouslanguages.Eventhoughatthispointunpreparedtolaunchintoansuchaninvestigation,wewouldliketoventureaconjecture,onthebasisofthesparsematerialavailabletous.Ourproposalhastwoparts:(i)0  Therequirementthatprosodiccategoriesshouldhavecrispedgesisdecoupledfrom 8  thegeneralnotion alignment,asaseparatefamilyofconstraints.    (ii)0  Concomitantly,theformaldefinitionofalignmentismodifiedbyreplacingthe  L  upwardstracingrelationisabythe(lessdiscriminating)downwardstracingrelation  8  isthecontentof.$    Inotherwords,weproposethatalignmentconstraintsareindeedfulfilledinnoncrisplinkagesituations.Atthesametime,thereisaconstraintfavoringcrispedgesofprosodiccategories   (wewillcallit CrispEdge);CrispEdgeisformallyindependentofthevariousalignmentconstraintsintermsofitsfunctionanditsrankingwithrespecttootherconstraints.Inordertofocusideas,consider( crispmis22  ):( crispmis22  c)isclearlymisaligned;both( crispmis22  a)and( crispmis22  b)fulfillalignment,butonly( crispmis22  a)fulfillsCrispEdge.&    ;    ;  ;U(2x  22  3  )  *,XXz XX*0  a. `   z b.     p c. ;U݌ p   Ќ  . X,XXz Xܦ.Ӏ   ` P+B*?/+h|8 `P  \ ' IAllowingnoncrisplinkage,asin( crispmis22  b),tofulfillalignmentconstraintsrequiresonlyasmallformalchangeinthedefinitionofGeneralAlignment.Theideaistoemploy,inthedefinitionofalignment,arelationwhichtracesdownwardsfromacategorytotheterminalstringandfindsthecategoryscontents.Thisrelationwilltaketheplaceofthe isarelationwhich D tracesupwardsfromaterminalsubstringtowardsacategoryandrequiresuniquenessofthehighercategory,inthesenseexplainedabove(see(  mpdef21  )andtherelateddiscussion;notethatthevacuoussatisfactionproblemindependentlycallsforamodificationofthecurrenttheory). " Wewillmakeuseoftherelation isthecontentof;forourpurposeshere,itwillbe  sufficienttonotethatwithinaphonologicalrepresentationaterminalsubstringAisthe  u1  u1contentofacategoryCat1ifandonlyifAisthemaximalterminalsubstringdominatedby  Cat1(thiscorrespondsdirectlytoPierrehumbert&Beckmans(1988,156)notion substantivefringeofanode,whereamorecarefulgraphtheoreticdefinitioncanbefound). ` NotethatastringAcanbethecontentofacategoryCat1evenifsomeelementofAisalso L  linkedtosomenodeoutsideofCat1.Equippedwiththisunderstandingofisthecontentof, 8  wecanproceedtothereviseddefinitionof alignmentin( imdef123  ),whichcloselyfollowsthewordinginM&P1993bexceptforthechangesjustnoted.  ;    ;n(2x  23  3  )   A 0  Alignment: ;n݌ 8    Ќ    Dfn.Align(Cat1,Edge1,Cat2,Edge2)8  LetEdge1,Edge2beeitherLorR.LetSbeanystring.Then,foranysubstringAofSthatisthecontentofaCat1,thereis[a]substringBofS   thatisthecontentofaCat2,suchthatthereisadecompositionD(A)ofA   andadecompositionD(B)ofB,bothsub-decompositionsofadecompositionD(S)ofS,suchthatEdge1(D(A))=Edge2(D(B)). xx ( crispdef24  )is(oneversionof)theCrispEdgeconstraint(orrather,constraintscheme);everyprosodiccategoryhasanassociatedconstraintofthiskind,andthedifferentCrispEdgeconstraintscanbeseparatelyranked.  ;    ;.(2x  24  3  )   E 0  a. ` Dfn.0   LetAbeaterminal(sub)stringinaphonologicalrepresentation,Ca 4 categoryoftypePCat,andAbethecontentofC.ThenCiscrisp   (or:hascrispedges)ifandonlyifAisaPCat ;.Y݌   Ќ  0  b. ` CrispEdge[PCat]:PCatiscrisp.   CrispEdge[PrWd]isofcentralimportanceandfigures,forexample,intheanalysisoftheProsodicMorphologyofSinoJapanesecompounds(seeIt=&Mester1993b);if(wordu1u1internal)ambisyllabicityinEnglishisalwaysfootinternal,asarguedbyKiparsky1979,thiscanbeviewedasaconsequenceofCrispEdge[Ft].CrispEdge[%]rulesoutgeminationand 0"  similarcasesofdoublelinking.IntheversionoftheCrispEdgeconstraintin( crispdef24  ),wemadenoattempttodistinguishbetweenleftandrightedges.Ifthisturnsouttobenecessary,relativizationtooneedgescaneasilybeintroduced,onthemodelofAlignmentTheory,bymakinguseoftheelementaryconcepts'leftedge'and'rightedge'.Amorecomplexapparatusthantheonein( crispdef24  )iscertainlyimaginable(forexample,withCrispEdgerequirementscoupledwithparticularalignmentconfigurations),butwouldhavetobesupportedbyempiricalevidence.Untilsuchevidenceemerges,theratherplainformin( crispdef24  b)seemsadequate.  Returningtotheparticularconstraintsunderdiscussioninthissection,itisnowastraightforwardmattertoobtainthecorrecttypologyofcases.SyllSegandSegSyllconstraints(Onset,NoCoda,CodaCond)areplainalignmentconstraintsandassuchknow T,'+ nothingofaCrispEdgerequirement.Consequently,aslongasanelementislinkedattheedgetobealignedat,itdoesnotmatterwhethertheelementisalsolinkedsomewhereelse.Ontheotherhand,PrWdinEnglish,asinmanyotherlanguages,issubjecttotwokindsofconstraints:First,thereistheGCatPCatconstraintAlignLeft(stem,PrWd),whichagainisaplainalignmentconstraintandassuchtoleratesnoncrispedges.Butinaddition,PrWdissubjecttoaCrispEdgerequirement,inthesenseof( crispdef24  ).ThissimplesetupderivesallfactsaboutEnglishambisyllabicityinexternalsandhi,asfaraswecansee(providedCrispEdge(PrWd)isdominatedbyOnsetanddominatesFinalC,echoingM&Ps(1993b,48)analysis). 6StemAlignmentinLardil   8  Sofarwehavelaidoutastrictlydownwardstracingdefinitionofalignmentwhichdecouplesalignmentfromthecloselyrelated,butindependent,requirementthatedgesofprosodiccategoriesshouldbecrisp,notblurred.ThisslightchangeintheformaltheoryopensupanewapproachtoCodaCond,asshownearlierinthispaper,identifyingitasaSegSyllalignmentconstraintthatformsthenaturalcounterpartofthemorefamiliarSyllSegconstraints.Inthisfinalsection,wefollowuponanindependentlineofargumentinvolvingacaseoutsideofsyllabletheorywhereanalignmentconstraintismanifestlyfulfilledinspiteofnoncrisplinkage.Thecaseinquestionisfoundamongthethemorphology~prosodyinterfaceconditionsintheAustralianlanguageLardil.p #  6      ׀TheYXCXXXCalignmentconstraintinquestionisan $t MCattoPCatconstraintrequiringtherightedgeofastemtocoincidewithasyllableedge:AlignRight(stem,%)(P&S1991,1993)#XCXXYXC#.Theconstraintmanifestsitself,amongotherthings, L inthewayinwhichsubminimalstemsareaugmentedtofulfillthebisyllabicwordminimumofLardil(Wilkinson1988).  SummarizingthewellknownfactsandP&Ss(1993)analysis,wefindthesituationthat,exceptforcaseslike( augment25  a,b),augmentationresultsintheadditionofawholenewsyllable,withanepenthesizedvowelandanepenthesizedonsetconsonant(homorganicwiththeprecedingcodaconsonant).Thiscanbeseenin( augment25  c,d,e,andf).Thisatfirstglancecuriouskindof'excessepenthesis'(multipleFillviolations)hasoccupiedresearchersforsometime,invarioustheoreticalcontexts.  ;    ;(2x  25  3  )   ^ 0  YXCXXXCAugmentationofshortstems ;݌4"    Ќ    a. ` /yak/ +  [yaka] h   'fish'  #p!   b. ` /elk/ +  [elka] h   'head' <$"   c. ` /ma/ +  [maa]  'hand' X% #   d. ` /il/ +  [ilta] h   'neck' t&!$   e. ` /ka/ +  [kaka]  'speech' '"%   f. ` /tya/ +  [tyaka]  'some'#XCXXYXCV# (#&  )%' P&Ss1991fundmentalinsightconcernsthealignmenttheoreticrationalebehindthiskindofphenomenon:Ithasnothingtodowiththesyllableaugmentationprocessperse,butratherwithapreferencetohavetheendofthestemcoincidewiththeendofasyllable.Itisonlywhenthisisnotpossible(forreasonsrelatingtoCodaCondandthetotalexclusionofgeminatesinLardil)thataugmentationtakesplaceinsuchawaythattheendofthestemisnotalsotheendofasyllable( augment25  a,b).  YXCXXXCBeforeproceeding,afewwordsareinorder#XCXXYXC)#YXCXXXCconcerningLardilsCodaCond,where 8  wordinternalcodasareeithercoronalsonorants,ornoncoronalsonorantshomorganicwithafollowingonsetconsonant.WithinthetheoryofCodaConddevelopedhere,thisistheeffectofthepairofconstraintsin( lardilcc26  a,b)H #  7      .Thefirstrequiresallobstruentstobeleftalignedwith  L  asyllable.Thesecondrequiresallmarked(thatis,notstrictlycoronal)CPlacetobeleftu1u1alignedwithasyllable.(MarkedCPlaceinLardilalsoincludescoronalswithasecondarydorsalarticulation,seeP&S1993andreferencescitedthere.)Instating( lardilcc26  b)inthisway,weareusingamethodofencodingofmarkednessrelationsinoptimalitytheoreticgrammarssuggestedbyKiparsky1994.Inthisconception, MarkedCPlaceisatermthatcanactuallybereferredtoassuchingrammaticalconstraints(anapproachthatultimatelygoesbacktochapter9ofChomskyandHalle1968).F #  8       p   ;    ;(2x  26  3  )   _ 0  SegSyllAlignmentinLardil ;݌H   Ќ    a. ` AlignL([son],%); h   obstruencyalignment 4   b. ` AlignL(FCPlace,%) h   MarkedCPlaceAlignment#XCXXYXC#YXCXXXC  p #XCXXYXCt#TakingthebasicwordminimalityeffectinLardilasagiven(whichderivesfromthe (x requirementthateverylexicalwordmustcorrespondtoaprosodicword,seeP&S1993andreferencescitedthere),thesyllabicfinetuningisduetheinteractionbetweentheAlignmentconstraintAlignRight(stem,%)andtheFillconstraintmilitatingagainstepenthesizing < consonants.Whatwefindisthatthebanonepenthesizingconsonantsisviolatedsoastoobeythealignmentconstraint:YXCXXXC/il/#XCXXYXC#Ԁ[.il.TA.],YXCXXXC*[.i.lA.]#XCXXYXC6#.Thustherankingofthetwocrucial  constraintsisAlignRight>>Fill[C].SinceAlignRightisviolatedifcompelledbyCodaCond( lardilcc26  ab),wealsoknowthatSegSyllmustdominateAlignRight:/yak/[.ya.kA.],*[.yak.TA.].  YXCXXXCTheoverallrankingmustbe:#XCXXYXC#ԀSegSyll>>AlignRight>>Fill[C].     AtthispointweareapproachingwhatlookslikeacontradictionwhenwerealizethatallofthefilledCsin( augment25  )arelinkedCs,i.e.homorganicwiththepreceding(stemfinal)consonant,whethertheyarecoronal(YXCXXXC/ma/[maa],/il/[ilta])ornoncoronal(/ka/ L#! [kaka])#XCXXYXCb#.InthetheoryofFillconstraintsdevelopedinP&S1993,thethreeoutputsherelook 8$" like[ma00],/il/[il00],/ka/[ka00],theassumptionbeingthatactualfeatural $%t # contentissuppliedbythe phoneticcomponent.Morerecentworkbyanumberof &`!$ researchers(seeIt=,Mester,andPadgetttoappear,M&P1993a,1993c,McCarthy1993b,Kirchner1993,Yip1993,McHugh1993,amongothers)hasmadeitabundantlyclearthatfeaturalinsertioniscontrolledbythesamesystemofconstraintsthatisreponsibleforprosodicstructure.ThismakesitimperativetoinsertactualfeaturesandassociationsintheoutputcandidatessuppliedbyGen(someofthesemorerecentdevelopmentsareprefiguredinnote60inP&S(1993,103)).InP&Ss1993Filltheory,noalignmentproblemarises(inthephonology)forformslikeYXCXXXC[.ka.ka.]#XCXXYXC#,sincetheepentheticmaterialhasnophonological 8  featuresandthereforecannotexhibitanymultiplelinking.However,iffeaturalcontentissuppliedwithinthephonologicalconstraintsystemproper(asitmustbe,inthemorerecenttheories),itisclearthatthewinningoutputcandidatehasadoublylinkedstructureasin(  kanka27  ),withanoncrispsyllableedgeattheendofthestem.  ;    ;(2x  27  3  )   N  ;݌̌    M+I*<,(hxb< `/M   IfAlignright(stem,%)wereviolatedinacaselikethis(asassumedbyM&P1993aforthe  parallelsituationinAxinincaCampa,see( axinipic19  )above),wewouldexpectYXCXXXCԀ*[.ka.a.]#XCXXYXC#Ԁasthe  winningcandidate,insteadofthecorrectformYXCXXXCԀ[.ka.ka.]#XCXXYXC_#Ԁ(sincebothwouldviolateAlign,and  thefirstoneshowsfewerFill[C]violations).  Weconcludethissection,andthepaper,withsometableauxshowingingreaterdetailhowouranalysisofLardilaccountsforallcrucialforms.Foranumberofundominatedconstraints,wehaveassembledthecorrespondingviolationmarksinasinglecolumnlabelled UnDom,whereundominatedmarksare*Complex,*CodaCond,*Ons,*FtBin,*Lx Pr. : *Gemreferstoaconstraintagainstgeminates(whichwasonlyinformallyincludedinP&Ss1993analysis),and*Stricreferstoaconstraintpreventingthealveolarrfromclusteringwithafollowinghomorganicconsonantin(  tera30  ),eitherforstricturereasons(Padgett1991,1994)orbecauseofflapclusteringconditions(McCarthy,personalcommunication)..Forconvenience,wenotatesegmentallinkingandnoncrispsyllableedgesbymeansof V ,asin !& maV|A.The*PL/Articconstraintsreflectthemarkednessrankingofall(consonantal)Place, " whetherpresentintheinputorinserted,andcontrolthewayepentheticfeaturestructuredgetsfilled.  %    ;   &    ;(2x  28  3  )   ;݌̌  *XZ dXdXdd#dd#dd"dd"dd""%  ,t ,dd ,td ,td ,td ,td ,td ,vtt +  8 %  Z8 5+$t  5Undom :+$t :FillV :+$t :Align :+$t :FillC >O+$t >*PL/lab 5+`O 5*Pl/dors :+`  :*Pl/cor V C(`  Z  zVrelk.| 5 ( 3  5*Cmplx!etc. = 9( "  = = 9(" 9 = = 9(" 9 = = O9(" 9 = @ 9+" O9 @* @ 9+" 9 @** V C(" z  9 qV+rel.k|A 5( T3  5 =9( T" =* =9( T"9 =* =9( T"9 = =O9( T"9 = @9+ T"O9 @* @9+ T"9 @** V C( T" q 9 qVrel. 5(x 3  5*Lx Pr! =9(x " = =9(x  "9 = =9(x !"9 = =O9(x ""9 = @9+x #"O9 @ @9+x $"9 @** V C(x %" q 9 Vma.| 5 ( \ &3  5*Lx Pr! = 9( \ '"  = = 9( \ (" 9 = = 9( \ )" 9 = = O9( \ *" 9 =* @ 9+ \ +" O9 @ @ 9+ \ ," 9 @* V C( \ -"   9 qVma.|A 5( .3  5*Ons! =9( /" =* =9( 0"9 = =9( 1"9 = =O9( 2"9 =* @9+ 3"O9 @ @9+ 4"9 @* V C( 5" q 9 qVma.|A 5(D 63  5 7(D 7" 7* 7(D 8" 7*! =9(D 9" = =O9(D :"9 =* @9+D ;"O9 @ @9+D <"9 @* V C(D =" q 9 qVma.|TA 5(h >3  5 7(h ?" 7* 7(h @" 7 7(h A" 7* ;O(h B" ;* 8+h C"O 8 :+h D" :*!* V C(h E" q  qV+maV|A 5(,F3  5 7(,G" 7* 7(,H" 7 7(,I" 7* ;O(,J" ;* 8+,K"O 8 :+,L" :* V C(,M" q   Vma.|KA 8+PN3   8 :+PO" :* :+PP" : :+PQ" :* >O+PR" >* 8+PS"O  8*! @9+PT"   @*8.,PU"    9 8'  ;    ;j(2x  29  3  )   ;j݌̌  *W[ d dt dd td td td td td vtt XZ  ,t ,)dd ,td ,td ,9td ,td ,td ,tt +  /  $tW Z/ .$X  .Undom :+Z :FillV :+[ :Align :+\ :FillC >O+] >*PL/lab 5+_O 5*Pl/dors :+a :*Pl/cor V C(c Z  Vka.| 5 (,|d3  5*Lx Pr! = 9(,|e"  = = 9(,|f" 9 = = 9(,|g" 9 = = 9(,|h" 9 = = O9(,|i" 9 =** @ 9+,|j" O9 @ V C(,|k"   9 qVka.|A 5(l3  5 7(m" 7* 7(n" 7*! =9(o" = =9(p"9 = =O9(q"9 =** @9+r"O9 @ V C(s" q 9 qVka.|KA 5(dt3  5*CdCnd! =9(du" =* =9(dv"9 = =9(dw"9 =* =9(dx"9 = =O9(dy"9 =*** @9+dz"O9 @ V C(d{" q 9 qV+kaV|KA 5(|3  5 7(}" 7* 7(~" 7 =9(" =* =9("9 = =O9("9 =** @9+"O9 @ V C(" q 9 qVka.|TA 5( L3  5*CdCnd! =9( L" =* =9( L"9 = =9( L"9 =* =9( L"9 = =O9( L"9 =** @9+ L"O9 @* V C( L" q 9 Vyak.| 5 ("3  5*Lx Pr! = 9(""  = = 9("" 9 = = 9("" 9 = = 9("" 9 = = O9("" 9 =* @ 9+"" O9 @ V C(""   9 qV+yak|A 5($T3  5 7($T" 7* 7($T" 7* 7($T" 7 =9($T" = =O9($T"9 =* @9+$T"O9 @ V C($T" q 9 qVyakV|KA 5(x% 3  5*Gem! =9(x% " =* =9(x% "9 = =9(x% "9 =* =9(x% "9 = =O9(x% "9 =* @9+x% "O9 @ V C(x% " q 9  Vya.Vk|A 8+&<"3   8 :+&<"" :* :+&<"" :* :+&<"" :*! @9+&<"" @ @O9+&<""9 @* @9+&<""O9  @ 8.,&<""    9 8&     ;    ;b(2x  30  3  )   P  ;b݌̌  *V\ d dt )dd td td 9td td td tt W[  ,t ,dd ,td ,td ,9td ,td ,td ,gtt +  /   Z/ .$$t  .Undom :+` :FillV :+$t :Align :+$t :FillC >O+$t >*PL/lab 5+` O 5*Pl/dors :+`  :*Pl/cor V C(`  Z  Vbit.| 5 (3  5*Lx Pr! = 9("  = = 9(" 9 = = 9(" 9 = = 9(" 9 =* = O9(" 9 = @ 9+" O9 @* V C("   9 qV+bi.t|A 5( h3  5 =9( h" =* =9( h"9 =* =9( h"9 = =9( h"9 =* =O9( h"9 = @9+ h"O9 @* V C( h" q 9 qVbit.|TA 5( 3  5*CdCnd! =9( " =* =9(  "9 = =9( !"9 =* =9( ""9 =* =O9( #"9 = @9+ $"O9 @** R ?( %" q 9 RbitV|TA 9 ( P&3  9*Gem! = 9( P'"  =* = 9( P(" 9 = = 9( P)" 9 =* = 9( P*" 9 =* =O 9( P+" 9 = @ 9+ P,"O 9 @* V C( P-" 0   9 axVter.| 2( .3  2*Lx Pr! 09 /" 0 =9( 0"9 = =9( 1"9 = =9( 2"9 = =O9( 3"9 = @9+ 4"O9 @** V C( 5" x a 9 qV+te.r|A 5(X 63  5 =9(X 7" =* =9(X 8"9 =* =9(X 9"9 = =9(X :"9 = =O9(X ;"9 = @9+X <"O9 @** V C(X =" q 9 qVter.|TA 5(| >3  5*OCP! =9(| ?" =* =9(| @"9 = =9(| A"9 =* =9(| B"9 = =O9(| C"9 = @9+| D"O9 @*** V C(| E" q 9  VterV|TA 8+@F3   8*Stric! @9+@G" @* @9+@H"9 @ @9+@I"9 @* @9+@J"9 @ @O9+@K"9 @ @9+@L"O9  @** V C(@M"    9  VterV|RA 8+tN3   8*Gem! @9+tO" @* @9+tP"9 @ @9+tQ"9 @* @9+tR"9 @ @O9+tS"9 @ @9+tT"O9  @**8.,tU"    9 8'LInLardilsconstraintsystem,epentheticfeaturestructureisfilledbydoublelinking,ifpossible:Sinceeveryarticulatorfeatureincursamark*Pl/Artic(P&S1993,McCarthy1993b,Smolensky1993,M&P1993c),itpaystominimizeplacespecificationsbyinvokingthe spreadingoption,insteadofinsertingnewfeatures(evenunmarkedones).Onlyiftheresultingmutiplelinkingoptionisimpossibledoesunmarkedcoronalityhaveachancetoemerge(butdoesnot,inthiscase,duetohigherrankingconstraintslikeCodaCond).Homorganicity,then,isaconstraintinteractioneffectinLardil,andnotaconstraintbyitself. 7Conclusion   ^ Returingtoouroveralltheme,weseethatitwouldbeperniciousinacaselikeLardiltoinsistoncrispedgeswhenassessingalignmentviolations.Alignmentitselfisdefinedinsuchawaythatcrispnessofedgesisirrelevant(seethedefinitionin( imdef123  )).Thisallowsustodevelopanewalignmenttheoretictypologyofsyllabificationprinciples,withcloselycorrespondingSyllSegandSegSyllconstraints.Divorcedfromalignmentperse,crispnessofedgesisanindependentconstraintonprosodicunits( crispdef24  ).Naturally,weexpecttheretobesituationswherebothalignmentandcrispnessareinvolved,andindeedfindtheminEnglishambisyllabicityinexternalsandhiandinAxinincaCampastemsyllablealignment.  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