In this paper, I will examine differences in the phonological
 

alternations affecting Place and Voice in coda position. Both types of
 

features are often restricted in the coda, but the types of
 

phonological alternations triggered by the restriction differ. Voice
 

is often neutralized, while Place very rarely is; epenthesis and
 

deletion can be used to satisfy the coda constraint on Place (Ito
 

1986), but a restriction on coda Voice never triggers such processes.
 

I will argue that in order to account for these differences within
 

Optimality Theory, we must recognize these three points:
 





  1.  Although both types of features are subject to position-independent
 

      markedness constraints like *Voice and *Dor, only Place is subject
 

      to a positional markedness constraint, CodaCond.
 





  2.  There are consonants that are not marked with any Laryngeal
 

      specification, but none that are truly Placeless.
 





  3.  It is necessary to recognize the existence of MaxF constraints that
 

      ensure realization of input features. Featural faithfulness cannot be
 

      confined to the  Ident constraints of McCarthy and Prince (1995), which
 

      only ensure that correspondent segments agree in features, but do not
 

      force faithfulness to the  features themselves independent of segments.