Base-Identity and Uniform Exponence: Alternatives to Cyclicity
 

		ROA-103		(31pp.)

		basid.ps, basid.rtf



		Michael Kenstowicz

		MIT

		kenstow@mit.edu



This paper proposes to reinterpret cyclic effects not as input-output
 relations between separate levels (McCarthy & Prince 1993, Kenstowicz
 1994) but rather--building on the proposals of Kraska (1995)--as
 similarity constraints between and among morphologically related words
 (cf. similar proposals independently developed by Benua 1995, Burzio
 1995, McCarthy 1995, Steriade 1994, among others). In particular, a
 constraint of Base-Identity is proposed that evaluates candidates for
 a complex word [X+Y] on the basis of their similarity to the immediate
 constituents [X] and [Y] to the extent that the latter occur as
 independent outputs. In the first section we review previous
 approaches to cyclicity in the OT framework and propose an alternative
 in terms of the Base-Identity requirement between independent output
 forms. In the second section we discuss cases (Italian /s/-voicing,
 Korean cluster simplification and default accent) in which the
 availability of a constituent of the derivative as an independent word
 plays a crucial role. We then examine examples where the similarity
 effect is sensitive to the gross prosodic structure of the base
 (Palestinian Arabic, Dutch).  The final section reviews similarity
 effects that do not fall under the rubric of identity to the base as a
 separate word. For these we posit a constraint of Uniform Exponence
 (Flemming 1995) that evaluates sets of morphologically related words
 for segmental and prosodic similarity.  Various instances of paradigm
 leveling (Spanish, Swiss German, Latin, Polish) are analyzed in these
 terms. The paper closes with an overview of the range of observed
 similarity effects.



*Paper presented at "Current Trends in Phonology" Royaumont Conference, 
 June 1995. To appear in Durand, Jacques & Bernard Laks, eds. (1995) 
 Current Trends in Phonology: Models and Methods. CNRS, Paris-X and 
 University of Salford Publications



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