Non-Computable Functions in Optimality Theory



Elliott Moreton

University of Massachusetts, Amherst





Is Optimality Theory a constraining theory?  A formal analysis shows that 
 it is, if two auxiliary assumptions are made:  (1) that only markedness 
 and faithfulness constraints are allowed, and (2) that input and output 
 representations are made from the same elements.  Such OT grammars turn 
 out to be incapable of computing circular or infinite chain shifts.  
 These theoretical predictions are borne out by a wide range of natural 
 phonological processes including augmentation, alternations with zero, 
 metathesis, and exchange rules.  The results confirm, extend, and 
 account for the observations of Anderson & Browne (1973) on exchange 
 rules in phonology and morphology.