This paper is a distilled version of Alderete 1995 (ROA 94). 
 It employs the same theory of stress and syllabification 
 developed in that paper; through the interaction of the 
 positional faithfulness constraint, Head-Dep, with other 
 stress-related constraints, non-derivational analyses are 
 given of a set of logically possible stress-epenthesis 
 interactions. The empirical coverage of this theory is 
 then extended to the case of Yimas (Papuan), a case relevant 
 to the comparison of the proposed theory with the rule-based 
 analysis of the same phenomena. In Yimas, epenthetic vowels
 are generally not stressed, so, Head-Dep, which bans stressed
 epenthetic syllables, is suitably high-ranked in the grammar.
 However, a two-syllable stress window compels violation of 
 Head-Dep, because epenthetic vowels may in fact be stressed
 in certain contexts, namely in words whose first two syllables
 have epenthetic vowels. In the rule-based approach, this dual
 patterning requires that two separate epenthesis rules be 
 ordered with respect to stress assignment, which leads to loss
 of generalization. The paper closes with a summary of results
 in recent work that employ other forms of position-sensitive
 faithfulness targeting prosodic heads.