Dominance Effects as Transderivational Anti-Faithfulness
 

John Alderete, Rutgers University



This paper presents a theory of morphophonology based on a
 development in the theory of faithfulness constraints in 
 Optimality Theory. A new constraint type, anti-faithfulness, 
 is proposed that evaluates a pair of related words and requires
 an alternation in the shared stem. This constraint type is
 motivated initially by a set of problems, e.g. morphological
 deletions, segmental exchanges and non-structure preserving
 processes, which show that morphophonology must encompass more
 than markedness-faithfulness interactions. The anti-faithfulness
 thesis is then applied to accentual processes in which affixes
 idiosyncratically cause deletion of accent in a neighbouring
 morpheme. It is argued that anti-faithfulness both motivates
 the observed deletion and accounts for its properties with
 principles that are generally available in phonological theory.
 Anti-faithfulness is then shown to extend naturally to the
 analysis of other affix-induced alternations, including accent
 insertions, shifts, and retractions of stress and tone, a 
 result which distinguishes this theory from plausible alternatives.