|Title:||Head Dependence in Stress-Epenthesis Interaction|
|Comment:||In Ben Hermans and Marc van Oostendorp (eds.), The Derivational Residue in Phonological Optimality Theory, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp., 29-50.|
|Abstract:||This paper is a distilled version of Alderete 1995 (ROA 94).
It employs the same theory of stress and syllabification
developed in that paper; through the interaction of the
positional faithfulness constraint, Head-Dep, with other
stress-related constraints, non-derivational analyses are
given of a set of logically possible stress-epenthesis
interactions. The empirical coverage of this theory is
then extended to the case of Yimas (Papuan), a case relevant
to the comparison of the proposed theory with the rule-based
analysis of the same phenomena. In Yimas, epenthetic vowels
are generally not stressed, so, Head-Dep, which bans stressed
epenthetic syllables, is suitably high-ranked in the grammar.
However, a two-syllable stress window compels violation of
Head-Dep, because epenthetic vowels may in fact be stressed
in certain contexts, namely in words whose first two syllables
have epenthetic vowels. In the rule-based approach, this dual
patterning requires that two separate epenthesis rules be
ordered with respect to stress assignment, which leads to loss
of generalization. The paper closes with a summary of results
in recent work that employ other forms of position-sensitive
faithfulness targeting prosodic heads.