| ROA: | 51 |
|---|---|
| Title: | Contrastiveness is an Epiphenomenon of Constraint Ranking |
| Authors: | Robert Kirchner |
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| Length: | |
| Abstract: | Contrastiveness Is an Epiphenomenon of Constraint Ranking (forthcoming in Proceedings of BLS) ROA-51 contrast.rtf Robert Kirchner In rule-based phonology, the theory of representations was guided by the Jakobsonian view that phonetic properties which not contrastive in any language are excluded from the inventory of phonological features, so as not to predict unattested contrasts. In Optmality Theory, however, it can be demonstrated that the contrastive or predictable status of features in a sound system is determined by the ranking of feature-specific faithfulness constraints w.r.t. constraints which restrict the distribution of those features. Universally non-contrastive features simply lack a corresponding faithfulness constraint. Therefore, the phonological representation may in principle contain an unlimited amount of phonetic detail, including gradient distinctions, without thereby expanding the range of contrasts available to UG (and one of the principal motivations for a distinct phonetic component of the grammar is thereby removed). Furthermore, following Ohala (1983, 1990), Steriade (1994), and Jun (1995), I show that there is empirical justification for phonetic enrichment of phonological representations, taking as an illustrative case the duration of voiced and voiceless stops and its role in spirantization. |
| Type: | Paper/tech report |
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| Article: | Version 1 |