| Abstract: | This paper reanalyzes the so-called emphatic suffixation in Korean, with a focus on the base and suffixal forms used in previous analyses. Jun (1994) analyzes these cases under his rule of Metrical Weight Consistency, but there is no independent evidence for the redundant base-final /l/ in his underlying structure of talkulak < *talkul-lak 'rattling'. In this paper, a new morphological analysis is provided by investigating 1) the stem-suffix correlations stipulated by Jun and 2) the patterns of affixation and alternation in ideophones such as talkak, talkulak, and talkatak. It is argued that these three near-synonymous ideophones share the same underlying stem *talku- and the surface variants are a combined result of affixation and three independent phonological rules: /u/-truncation (talkak<*talku-ak), /t/-to-/l/ lenition (talkulak<*talku-tak) and dissimilation of KCVK# --> CVK# (talkatak<*talkak-tak). Some comments on recent Optimality-Theoretic analyses and their weaknesses are made as well as a remark on the ramifications of the analysis.
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