|Title:||Lexical Selection and Strong Parallelism|
|Abstract:||As demonstrated in a number of works (Tranel 1996; Mascaro 1996, 2005; Booij 1998; Yip 1998; Plag 1999; Steriade 1999; Ito and Mester 2004), it is in many cases straightforward to account for phonologically conditioned allomorphy in Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). The selection process requires competing allomorphs to be listed in the input as morphosyntactic equivalents, with the optimal output being selected by the phonological constraints of the language.
In this paper, I argue that in a sociolect of French, the morphosyntactic equivalence needed to make lexical selection straightforward is not always found: phonological constraints may be forced to decide between morphosyntactically non-equivalent forms. If this is correct, then there is evidence for strong parallel evaluation across different linguistic modules, for instance allowing for phonological constraints to outrank syntactic ones.