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Title:Evidence for MaxFeature constraints from Japanese
Authors:Linda Lombardi
Abstract:Evidence for MaxFeature constraints from Japanese

Linda Lombardi

University of Maryland, College Park

This paper presents an analysis of an interesting conspiracy in

Japanese phonology and gives an argument that Correspondence

Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1995) within Optimality Theory

(Prince and Smolensky 1993) must recognize the existence of

MaxFeature constraints, which regulate faithfulness directly

between features. In McCarthy and Prince and much subsequent

work, featural faithfulness is regulated by Ident constraints,

which check whether corresepondent segments are featurally

identical. But arguments have been presented by Causely 1996,

LaMontagne and Rice 1995, Lombardi 1995, Walker 1997 that there

are phenomena which cannot be analyzed solely with Ident

constraints for featural faithfulness, but require direct

feature correspondence. I will provide an additional argument

using data from the Japanese verb paradigm, and also will show

how this analysis eliminates the apparent need for rule ordering

in certain cases in the paradigm. To conclude I will examine the

need for further research into MaxF constraints, especially the

existence of strict limitations on how far features can "move"

from their underlying position.

Type:Paper/tech report
Article:Version 1